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South Africa has one of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world. In terms of numbers, South Africa has the most HIV-positive people living inside its borders[1]. For South African HIV-positive women, “their sickness is a result of structural violence: neither culture nor pure individual will is at fault; rather, historically given (and often economically driven) processes and forces conspire to constrain individual agency. Structural violence is visited upon all those whose social status denies them access to the fruits of scientific and social progress.[2]” The conflation of structural violence and cultural difference has been present in both scholarship and anecdotal commentaries for decades. Structural violence against women has perpetuated the AIDS epidemic as is evidenced by rape rapes, discordant concurrent relationships, and inability to negotiate condom use. Furthermore, some of the humanitarian efforts present in Sub-Saharan Africa have done little to empower women. In confronting the HIV/AIDS epidemic many well-meaning conservative movements have inadvertently enforced the patriarchical undertones in societies like South Africa.[3]

Rape rates are a shocking indicator of the powerlessness of women. In South Africa a woman is raped every 26 seconds; 1 in 3 women will be raped during her lifetime.[4] Many of the victims are young children:

But here in this impoverished township, the small victims still totter home like broken birds, whispering about the grown men who rape with numbing regularity. A doctor at the shabby public hospital opens a battered binder and counts the names: in 2001, more than 200 child rapes, mostly girls ages 7 to 9[5].

In addition to being emotionally and physically traumatizing, these rapes imprison young girls in a cycle of inequality. Many of these rapes happen in schools, in order to protect themselves from sexual violence these girls stop attending school. Two representative cases have forced the world to confront rape in South Africa by bringing the issue into the public domain. The rape of Baby Tshepang[6] and the Jacob Zuma Rape Trial[7] brought national attention to the woman rights issues in South Africa. Baby Tshepang was a nine-month old baby who was raped by the mother’s boyfriend. The baby very nearly died as a result of the trauma. The nurses called her “Tshepang,” which means “hope.” Jacob Zuma, the former Deputy President of South Africa was charged with raping an AIDS activist. He was acquitted of the charges but there is much speculation about corruption and this verdict. Both of these cases alerted the world to the frightening brutality and fear that has become standard for South African women. Some of the perpetrators of these child rapes may believe the myth that having sex with a virgin will cleanse them from HIV, others are undoubtedly aware that this will do nothing to prevent the transmission of AIDS. Regardless, virgin, child, and infant rapes are violent acts that propagate the spread of HIV. Forced sex usually involves bleeding; therefore, HIV is much more easily spread to a rape victim[8]. In recent years the South African government has made huge steps towards equality, but “cultural practices that deny fundamental human rights cannot be wiped away by a constitution created by lawyers, academics, and politicians.[9]” The difficulty is analyzing the problem of rape without supplanting our ‘Western’ culture on top of the ‘non-Western’ context of South Africa, in a way that doesn’t provoke or suppose that our framework is inherently superior.[10] Immediately faulting “culture” does not elucidate the true cause of the structural violence in South Africa.

Women in relationships face similarly difficult challenges. Studies indicate that women in consensual relationships are unable to negotiate the terms of sex – specifically, the use of condoms[11]. To combat this problem there have been attempts to implement programs aimed at empowering women. Stepping Stones, originally developed in Uganda to train women in a series of workshops to be more assertive about their sexual encounters and to engage in open dialogue about sex, was adapted for and implemented in South Africa. However, the study did not show that the program decreased the incidence of HIV. Some evidence exists that this program may have decreased some of the risk factors associated with HIV/AIDS[12]. Ultimately, decreasing these risk factors are more about a woman’s ability to make choices about the risks taken, for some there are far fewer options[13].

Women whose husbands have migrating jobs are more likely to engage in sex with prostitutes, girlfriends, or other wives may pass diseases throughout the sexual network. One study showed that when one or both members of a partnership reported having concurrent relationships along with the partnership being studies, the studied partnership was 3.8 times more likely to have an STI than a partnership where concurrency was not reported[14]. Furthermore, higher STIs were independently related to discordant relationships, that is, when only one of the partners reported engaging in concurrent relationships[15]. The inability to negotiate condom use is especially problematic when seen in light of concurrent relationships. Studies show that couples in steady relationships use condoms less. Multiple concurrent, yet steady, sexual relationships show this same trend[16]. In this case, HIV is easily spread because of the lack of condom use and the breadth of the sexual network. Whether there is a mutual desire not to use condoms is unclear:

Many African women find it hard to ask their partners to use condoms. In one survey in Zambia, less than a quarter of women believed they had the right to refuse sex with their husbands even if they knew he was unfaithful and HIV-positive. And only one in ten thought she could ask him to use a condom in this situation[17].

The lack of efficacy of some intervention campaigns[18] is largely due to the difficulty associated with translating an inherently American program onto the culture of South Africa. Social and cultural identity is not easily generalized; it is a complex of relatively concrete factors and subjective aspects.[19] By labeling campaigns targeted at behaviors believed to be propagating HIV as cultural interventions it is inevitable that a certain amount of ‘selective labeling’ will occur.

This ‘selective labeling’ of certain changes and not others as symptoms of “westernization” enables the portrayal of unwelcome changes as unforgivable betrayals of deep-rooted and constitutive traditions, while welcome changes are seen as merely pragmatic adaptations that are utterly consonant with the ‘preservation of culture and values.[20]

In many ways designing programs involves “challenges to widespread unreflective assumptions about what national “culture” and “values” are, how important institutions function, and how various groups of people fare as a result of existing arrangements of national life[21].” A woman’s relationship to political and power structures, interpreted as a result of her experiences, creates a distinctly personal narrative[22]. Until women are connected to other women, until they see the political connections between their experiences and the experiences of other women[23], a movement to improve the gendered health and human rights phenomena of HIV/AIDS has little hope of being successful. A feminist movement against HIV/AIDS should combat instances of structural violence – of rape, of women without power to negotiate condom use, of women with unfaithful husbands – without generalizing about cultural norms and values, without assuming a Western supremacy.


[1] The Economist, Vol. 362, Issue 8261, (23 Feb 2002), 49-51.

[2] Farmer, P. (1999). Infections and Inequalities: The Modern Plagues. Los Angeles: University of California Press, p. 78.

[3] Petchesky, R, (2003) Global Prescriptions – Gendering Health and Human Rights, London: Zed Books, 5.

[4] The Times of India (2008, November 19). “A Woman is Raped Every 26Seconds. Retrieved November 20, 2008, from The Times of India. Website: http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/World/A_woman_raped_every_26_sec_in_South_Africa/articleshow/3729626.cms; Human Rights Watch: www.hrw.org/en/news/2008/08/17/costs-marital-rape-southern-africa

[5] Swarns, R. (2002, January 29) “Grappling With South Africa’s Alarming Increase in the Rapes of Children.” New York Times.

[6] Phillips, B. (2001, December 11). “Baby Rapes Shock South Africa.” BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/1703595.stm.

[7] BBC (2006, February 15). “Zuma Case Reveals South Africa Rape Problem.” BBC News, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4713172.stm.

[8] Cornwall, A. & Welborne, A. (2003). Realizing Rights: Transforming Approaches to Sexual and Reproductive Well-Being. London: Zed Books, p. 100.

[9] Heywood, M. & Cornell, M. (1998). “Human Rights and AIDS in South Africa: From Right Margin to Left Margin,” Heath and Human Rights, 2:4, 70-1; Petchesky, 94.

[10] Narayan, U. (1997). “Contesting Culture: “Westernization,” Respect for Cultures & Third World Feminists.” In Dislocating Cultures: Identities, Transformations, and Third World Feminisms. New York: Routledge, p. 3.

[11] Castle, J., et al. (2001) AERC Proceedings. Retrieved November 22, 2008 from http://www.edst.educ.ubc.ca/aerc/2001/2001castle.htm.

[12] Jewkes, R., Ndunda, M., Levin, J., Jama, N., Dunkle, K., Puren, A., Duvvury, N. (2008, August 7). Impact of Stepping Stones on incidence of HIV and HSV-2 and sexual behavior in rural South Africa: cluster randomized controlled trial,” BJM, 337.

[13] Cornwall, A. & Welborne, A. (2003). Realizing Rights: Transforming Approaches to Sexual and Reproductive Well-Being. London: Zed Books, p. 101.

[14] Gorbach, P.M., Drumright, L.N., Holmes, K.K. (January 2005) “Discord, discordance & concurrency: Comparing individual and partnership level analyses of new partnerships of young adults at risk of STI.” Sex Transm Dis, 32:1, 7-12.

[15] Gorbach, P.M, Drumright, L.N.

[16] Hearst, N. and Chen, S. (March 2004). “Condom promotion for AIDS prevention in the developing world: Is it working?” Stud Fam Plann 35:1, p. 39-47.

[17] Guest, R, Shackled Continent – Africa’s Past, Present, and Future (London: Macmillan, 2004), 100.

[18] The campaigns I speak of are any of a broad grouping of HIV/AIDS prevention campaigns, including, but not limited to: Abstinence Only, ABC (Abstinence, Be Faithful, and Use Condoms), Zero Grazing, Stepping Stones, etc. South African interpretations of these campaigns have had mixed degrees of success.

[19] Song, S. (November 2005). “Majority Norms, Multiculturalism, and Gender Equality,” Am Pol Sci Rev, 99:4, p. 474.

[20] Narayan, U., p. 23

[21] Narayan, U., p. 34

[22] Narayan, U., p. 10

[23] Narayan, U., p. 11

Mali Input Paper 3- Robin

Media Access in Mali

 

            In my last two input papers on Mali, I have developed the idea that the intersections of economic situations and the traditions of culture in Mali are the key to why the literacy rate and simple communication of women in French is so low, and can also be the key to reversing the problem. As a part of this communication barrier I believe that media access directly reflects these tensions between the state of the family economic situation, traditional cultures, and communication.

            When I discuss the media access in Mali, I am mainly talking about the rural areas of Mali. In the urban areas, there are reportedly 170 independent newspapers, 200 broadcasting FM radio stations, and approximately 100 cable channels (Media Sustainability Index 207). The report also goes on to say that the newspapers are almost exclusively circulated in Bamako, the capital city as well as most subscribed cable channels (Media Sustainability Index 207). Considering from these reports, the rural area mainly only has access to radio and limited access at that (Bilodeau 1).

            The first and most obvious reason as to why women do not have access to radio in rural Mali is there economic situation. As stated in my previous input papers, Mali is the fifth poorest country in the world. Their main source of income is agricultural, and most families (men, women, and children) spend the majority of their time working the fields just to be able to provide for their family (Dall 3). The women are responsible for working side by side with the men in the field all day as well as bringing the crop to the market to sell (Ford 2). As seen by these aspects of keeping up their day-to-day life, most women do not have the time let alone the money available for radios.

 

 

            Even after the economic barrier is broken and a rural woman does have access to a radio in her home, there is still an issue of access. Reportedly nearly half of the women who do have access to a radio cannot listen to it whenever they wish to (Bilodeau 1). I touched on the issue of the patriarchal society of Mali in my first two input papers, but I believe this statistic directly reflects the issues associated with this long-lasting social structure of the dominate male. This is a direct hindrance of women’s access to knowledge and communication with the people around her.

            Even after all of the above boundaries of poverty and cultural regulations are overcome, the access to communication is still a far stretch. In my first two input papers I focused on education and how that affected women’s ability to communicate in the French language. If a radio program is broadcasting in French, and the woman listening does not understand it, then there is still a barrier present. Also, it is reported that 92% of women who have access to a radio listen to musical programs, which does not serve the purpose of educating and informing this marginalized group (Bilodeau 1). So for that small percentage of women that are informed by the programming of the radio, what do the have to listen to? Out of the approximately 150 radio stations that they have access to, there are only three women with publications, which is a great under representation of this group (Bilodeau 1). There is also the dimension of what the radio publications are aloud to broadcast. Mali boasts freedom of speech associated with their democracy; however there is legal jargon present that limits this freedom (Mali Sustainability Index 209). Such as, “Law No. 00-46/AN-RM passed on July 7, 2000 concerning the regime of the press and of press offenses regulates the freedom of expression in Mali. Malian legislation limits this freedom in cases of racial, national, or religious hatred and incitement to murder, all of which are prohibited by law” (Mali Sustainability Index 209). The “national” aspect listed is the one that I am interested in. How can women come together to have an effect on or change their national policy if they aren’t even aloud to question it through forms of media?

            Some would argue that great strides have been made towards women’s access to media outlets since democracy has come about in Mali. There are even attempts being made to standardize the language throughout the country by means of media (Gleich and Wolff 16). It is also reported that media access for children “isn’t as low as originally thought to be” because even though less than 15% of households have a radio or television set, 65% of children have access at neighbors or friends houses (Bilodeau 1). As for the aspect of freedom of speech, “Every once in a while in Mali offenses against journalists are committed. However, there have not been any cases of murder. Malian journalists work in an almost absolutely safe environment. They are seldom victims of aggression and, when it happens, they count on the support of public opinion” (Mali Sustainability Index 209).

            My argument back would be that language is not standardized, and it seems that media would be a very hard avenue to take to achieve this goal simply because of the low access of people who really need it. As for children having access to media through neighbors or friends- just because they have access doesn’t mean that their socio-economic boundaries are by-passed. They must still work in their household to sustain living standards. As for the aspect of freedom of speech, those few offenses committed against journalist hinder the information being reported. The other reporters must be weary of what they can and can’t report in fear of repercussions.

            I’m not saying that access to media is the answer to all of Mali’s problems and can end discrimination towards women; however, I do believe that if we see more and more women gaining access to media it will be a direct reflection of the decreasing discrimination of women through economic and cultural outlets. If the economic situation gets better, more women will be able to have access to a radio through monetary means. If we see a shift from a ridged patriarchal society, I believe will also see more women representatives in media. Likewise, if these two come together I believe women will have more access to education, therefore closing the communication gap.

Works Cited

Bilodeau, Dennis. “Women’s Access to Radio in Mali.” The Communication Initiative (2005): 1.

Dall, Frank. “A Problem of Gender Access and Primary Education: A Mali Case Study.” HID Research Review: Research Findings of The Harvard Institute for International Development 2 (1989): 6-7.

Ford, Neil. “Mali: Touré Wins Second Terms with Ease African Business 332 (2007) p.64-65  

Gleich, Utta V., and Ekkehard Wolff. Standardization of National Languages. Diss. UNSECO Institute for Education, Hamburg, 1991. Germany. 1-126.

“Mali Sustainability Index.” 2007. 19 Nov. 2008 <http://www.irex.org/programs/msi_africa/2007/msi07_mali.pdf>.

Puchner, Laurel. “Researching Women’s Literacy in Mali: A Case Study of Dialogue among Researchers, Practitioners, and Policy Makers.” Comparative Education Review 45 (2001): 242-56.

            —“Women and Literacy in Rural Mali: a Study of the Socio-economic Impact of Participating in Literacy Programs in Four Villages.” International Journal of Educational Development 23 (2003): 439-458.

 

           

In my last two input papers, I looked at violence against women by an intimate partner and violence against women at the border towns since the advent of NAFTA.  My intent was to research what had been done on a local, national, and international level to address both instances of gender-based violence.  As I began to gather information, what struck me was how recent so many of the Mexican government’s efforts have been to deal with violence against women given how long domestic violence has been an issue.  I soon realized the violence has only become a priority of national interest for the Mexican government because of the large number of murders of women along the Mexican and United States border. The 300 to 400 slayings of women in Ciudad Juarez since 1994 has put the issues of gender-based violence and women’s human rights violations on the international agenda.  In response to the killings, human rights group and international organizations have placed immense pressure on the Mexican federal government to deal with violence against women everywhere in Mexico and specifically along the border.  It seems that it has taken the alarming number of women found murdered along the border for the Mexican government to look at gender-based violence within and outside of the home as connected and as serious problems. 

In 2007, Mexico passed a law called “General Law on Women’s Access to a Life Free of Violence,” which identifies psychological, physical, economic, sexual, and patrimonial violence, or the denial of property or inheritance (AWID).  The law provides a framework for integrated federal, state, and local programs involving Mexican police, the courts, media, and schools and other sectors to recognize and fights violence against women, facilitating the Mexico’s Interior Ministry’s ability to coordinate an emergency response after declaring a state of alert on an outbreak of gender violence (Orlandi).   Moreover, state and municipal governments had to create laws and programs within six months to reduce gender-based violence and punish the offenders (Orlandi).  Although many protections for women existed in states prior to this legislation, the “General law on Women’s Access to a Life Free of Violence” attempts to unify the approach in ending violence against women (Orlandi).  Even though some worry that the law will not be implemented effectively because it is a general law, it is nonetheless beneficial in that it has brought attention and focus to gender-based violence, something that has downplayed in the past (Orlandi).  For so long, domestic violence against women has been viewed as a private issue.  For example, when a 24 year old mother of two went to local authorities numerous times to report instances of physical and psychological abuse by her husband, the authorities responded each time that her husband’s violence was not a crime (AMNESTY).  The law makes it clear that domestic violence is a public matter that needs to be dealt with by state and local authorities. 

One the most significant signals of progress in Mexico to prevent gender-based violence is the requirement under the 2007 law that forces all those convicted of violent acts against women to undergo gender reeducation to explore and transform acts against (NNEDV).  The law recognizes that gender-based violence is a problem deeply rooted in the gender-inequality present in Mexico (AWID).  The law attempts to attack the root of the problem as well as offering protection for women, as the law includes “the regulation and coordination of domestic violence shelters nationwide, mandatory gender reeducation for those who commit gender-based crimes, and a Gender Violence Alert System” (AWID).  The murders of women along the border town of Mexico and the United States has forced the government to look at violence within and outside of the home as connected, as the government is not only creating laws to punish the culprits of the border slaying, but also taking preventative measures to ensure that these murders and all forms of abuse do not take place in the future.

It is unfortunate and extremely sad that for gender-based violence to be made a national priority for Mexico, 300 to 400 women had to be brutally murdered.  The international community has effectively placed pressure on the Mexican government to address human violations rights in their country.   On a positive note, the Mexican government has passed legislation that is aimed to help the root of gender-based violence.  Making the link between gender-inequality, domestic abuse, and the killings along the border in national law is necessary and long overdue. 

In my final paper, I would like to add a larger section on the links between gender-based violence in the home and in the community.  I would also like to look at what Mexican women are specifically fighting for in legislation.  I think that if I can connect my input papers and add the previous topics, I can formulate an interesting and well-formulated paper. 


 Orlandi, Lorraine. “Mexico Replies to Juarez with Anti-Violence Law.” Women’s News.2 Mar.

2007. <http://www.womensenews.org/article.cfm/dyn/aid/3084/context/archive>


 

“Ending gender-based violence in Mexico.” National Network To End Domestic

Violence. NNEDV  www.nnedv.org/news/nnedv/163-mexico-july08.html

 

“Ending Gender Violence in Mexico.” AWID.

http://www.awid.org/eng/Issues-and-Analysis/Library/Ending-Gender-Violence-

in-Mexico/(language)/eng-GB

 

Input Paper 3- Lauren D.

South Africa & Human Rights Violations

Bina D’ Costa argues in his chapter on marginalized identity, that often the language of peace and the language in laws that is meant to restore a post conflict society differs or is not in touch with the reality “on the ground” (D’ Costa 132).  Lamia Karim, in Democratizing Bangladesh, finds a similar issue to the one mentioned by D’ Costa in Bangladesh.  Karim argues that in Bangladesh there is the issue of the “government two-facedly watching.”  To elaborate in Bangladesh, “The rights of a woman to free speech, to free assembly, to vote…are rights under the Constitution of Bangladesh, and the functions of the democratic state is to protect the rights of its (female citizens),” but the state will retreat to the threats of the Clergy and become silent to atrocities committed in the name of religion against women (Karim 293).  Karim finds that the source of conflict is multilayered.  Karim approaches the conflict by discussing the intersections of forces that are reshaping Bangladesh’s economy and politics.  Through these readings I have found that nation building based on policies does not necessarily end up bringing about positive change.  I have found South Africa to be similar to Bangladesh because they have numerous policies in place in support of equality and human rights, but still has numerous human rights violations going on in the country. 

The women in South Africa are protected by a Bill of Rights, but still face discrimination, violence, and poverty.  The 1996 constitution came with a “…legally enforceable bill of rights protecting, among others, the right to equality, to bodily and psychological integrity, to freedom from violence from either public or private sources, and to the realization of the right to health without discrimination on any grounds” (Amnesty International 12).  Under these basic principles, reforms were started to improve access to education and employment for disadvantaged groups, to improve health services, and to improve policing and the criminal justice system (Amnesty International 12).  Despite great legal strides, thousands of women and girls experience sexual and other forms of violence every year in South Africa (Amnesty International 12).  In fact, South Africa is considered to have one of the highest rape rates in the world and the highest number of HIV infections in the world (Schetman 8).  In July 2007, the national Minister of Safety and Security Charles Nqakula, analyzed crime statistics from the past six years and found that, “‘the fact that instances of serious and violent crime are very high is disconcerting and unacceptable’”(Amnesty International 12-13). 

It is apparent that D’Costa’s argument is a reality in South Africa because the language in laws differs from what is happening on the ground.  There are numerous opinions as to the root of the discrepancy between law and practice in South Africa.  I have highlighted some of the possible reasons for human rights violations against women below. 

Patriarchy

*Is deeply embedded in the customs, cultures, and religions of all South Africa’s people. 

*Patriarchy effects how children are socialized into seeing and behaving in the world   

*Challenging patriarchy is seen as attempting to destroy African tradition or “subvert Afrikaner ideals or undermine civilized and decent British values” 

*Men are encouraged to express their manhood as powerfully as possible (CEDAW 34).

 

Customs

*Across all ethnic groups, men are generally deemed to be the head of household

*Men’s authority must be respected (CEDAW 35). 

*Women are expected to be subordinate, accept domination, and not question decisions made by men

*Women are typically responsible for child rearing and household work.

Traditions

*Lobola

*Polygamy (perpetuates stereotype of female inferiority)

*Witch hunting (mostly aimed at women)

*Female circumcision and prenuptial checking of a women’s virginity (CEDAW 36).

Religion

*Reinforces subordination of women

*Women are mostly absent from leadership roles (CEDAW 36).

Language

* It is argued that “he” includes both sexes (CEDAW 37).

Education

* Textbooks promote gender stereotypes.  *Gender stereotypes are reinforced by roles at school.  Ex. Boys perform experiments while girls record the results. (CEDAW 37)

The Media

*Women are often not seen in the media

*Advertising agencies make some women invisible (rural women, women with disabilities, the old, girl children)

*Development is not a typical news story (which leads to invisibility of some)

*In media management courses participation of women is lower than 25% (CEDAW 38).

Funding

*Not enough funding and labor to implement and enforce laws. 

*Improper costing during drafting legislation (Schectman 19)

Justice System

 

*Has allowed normalization of violence as a conflict resolution technique

*Disregard/insensitivity of women’s reporting has resulted in shame and threats in reporting violence or rape (Schechtman 19)

*Lack of commitment within the judiciary to prosecuting violence against women and children (Schechtman 19)

Jacob Zuma

*In the Zuma trial cultural norms were his explanation for why sex with the woman was consensual and not rape   

*His thoughts on HIV was that if he took a shower after (sex) he wouldn’t acquire it

*He hid behind normative behavior and misinformation (Schechtman 19)

 

            Seemingly cultural norms, gender norms, and social expectations perpetuate the epidemic of violence and rape.  Cultural norms are a reason that laws are not properly enforced and that the population doesn’t have accurate information on their health and legal rights.  In addition, because of historical cultural norms women are forced to be dependent on men.   Women and men have unequal access to social resources like “land, healthcare, credit, information, and education,” thus women have no choice but to be obedient to their men or they face a greater risk of poverty and violence (Maharaj).  Studies have shown that violence is commonly used by those who feel that their power is being threatened, thus often if women try to be independent (via seeking education or economic independence) or move away from traditional gender roles they immediately place themselves in danger (Schechtman 6).

In sum, human rights violations have become a never-ending cycle in South Africa.  It was suggested by the Global Aids Alliance, that why people cannot escape the cycle must be addressed.  A reason that women seemingly cannot escape the cycle of violence, rape, and discrimination, is their dependency on abusive men.  And seemingly their dependence is linked to the cultural norms which insure that women are second class citizens and do not receive the same access to resources.  

Works Cited

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.  25 Feb 1998.

First South Africa Report.  18 Nov 2008 <

http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/N98/065/49/IMG/N9806549.pdf?OpenElem

ent> 

D’ Costa, Bina.  “Marginalized identity: new frontiers of research for IR?”   2006.

“‘I am at the Lowest of All’ Rural women living with HIV face human rights abuses in South

Africa.”  Amnesty International.  Mar 2008.  18 Nov 2008 <

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR53/001/2008/en/ebc94db1-f123-11dc-b3df-

0fe44bc152bc/afr530012008eng.pdf>

Karim, Lamia.  “Democratizing Bangladesh: State, NGOs, and Militant Islam.”  Cultural

Dynamics.  16 (2004): 291-318.

Maharaj, Zarina.  Keynote Speech.  “Gender Inequality and the Economy: Empowering Women

in the new South Africa.”  Professional Women’s League of KwaZulu Natal.  9 August

1999.  18 Nov 2008 < http://www.africa.upenn.edu/Urgent_Action/apic_82299.html>.

Schectman, Lisa.  “Scaling up for Zero Tolerance: Civil Society Leadership in Eliminating

Violence Against Women and Girls in Ghana, Rwanda, and South Africa.”  Global Aids

Alliance.  Aug 2008.  18 Nov 2008 < http://www.csvr.org.za/docs/globalalliance.pdf>.

Giving thanks….for what?

Hi,

Here is an email that I received. Wonder what you all think of this? 

Native blood: the truth behind the myth of `Thanksgiving Day’

Available as an MP3 recording. Click on the picture above.

By Mike Ely

It is a deep thing that people still celebrate the survival of the early
colonists at Plymouth – by giving thanks to the Christian God who supposedly
protected and championed the European invasion. The real meaning of all
that, then and now, needs to be continually excavated. The myths and lies
that surround the past are constantly draped over the horrors and tortures
of our present.

Every schoolchild in the United States has been taught that the Pilgrims of
the Plymouth Colony invited the local Indians to a major harvest feast after
surviving their first bitter year in New England. But the real history of
Thanksgiving is a story of the murder of indigenous people and the theft of
their land by European colonialists-and of the ruthless ways of capitalism.

* * * 

In mid-winter 1620 the English ship Mayflower landed on the North American
coast, delivering 102 exiles. The original native people of this stretch of
shoreline had already been killed off. In 1614 a British expedition had
landed there. When they left they took 24 Indians as slaves and left
smallpox behind. Three years of plague wiped out between 90 and 96 per cent
of the inhabitants of the coast, destroying most villages completely.

The Europeans landed and built their colony called “the Plymouth Plantation”
near the deserted ruins of the Indian village of Pawtuxet. They ate from
abandoned cornfields grown wild. Only one Pawtuxet named Squanto had
survived-he had spent the last years as a slave to the English and Spanish
in Europe. Squanto spoke the colonists’ language and taught them how to
plant corn and how to catch fish until the first harvest. Squanto also
helped the colonists negotiate a peace treaty with the nearby Wampanoag
tribe, led by the chief Massasoit.

These were very lucky breaks for the colonists. The first Virginia
settlement had been wiped out before they could establish themselves. Thanks
to the good will of the Wampanoag, the settlers not only survived their
first year but had an alliance with the Wampanoags that would give them
almost two decades of peace.

John Winthrop, a founder of the Massahusetts Bay colony considered this wave
of illness and death to be a divine miracle. He wrote to a friend in
England, “But for the natives in these parts, God hath so pursued them, as
for 300 miles space the greatest part of them are swept away by smallpox
which still continues among them. So as God hath thereby cleared our title
to this place, those who remain in these parts, being in all not 50, have
put themselves under our protection.”

The deadly impact of European diseases and the good will of the Wampanoag
allowed the settlers to survive their first year.

In celebration of their good fortune, the colony’s governor, William
Bradford, declared a three-day feast of thanksgiving after that first
harvest of 1621.

How the Puritans stole the land

But the peace that produced the Thanksgiving Feast of 1621 meant that the
Puritans would have 15 years to establish a firm foothold on the coast.
Until 1629 there were no more than 300 settlers in New England, scattered in
small and isolated settlements. But their survival inspired a wave of
Puritan invasion that soon established growing Massachusetts towns north of
Plymouth: Boston and Salem. For 10 years, boatloads of new settlers came.

And as the number of Europeans increased, they proved not nearly so generous
as the Wampanoags.

On arrival, the Puritans and other religious sects discussed “who legally
owns all this land. “They had to decide this, not just because of
Anglo-Saxon traditions, but because their particular way of farming was
based on individual-not communal or tribal-ownership. This debate over land
ownership reveals that bourgeois “rule of law” does not mean “protect the
rights of the masses of people.”

Some settlers argued that the land belonged to the Indians. These forces
were excommunicated and expelled. Massachusetts Governor Winthrop declared
the Indians had not “subdued” the land, and therefore all uncultivated lands
should, according to English Common Law, be considered “public domain.” This
meant they belonged to the king. In short, the colonists decided they did
not need to consult the Indians when they seized new lands, they only had to
consult the representative of the crown (meaning the local governor).

The colonists embraced a line from Psalms 2:8. “Ask of me, and I shall give
thee, the heathen for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the
earth for thy possession.” Since then, European settler states have
similarly declared god their real estate agent: from the Boers seizing South
Africa to the Zionists seizing Palestine.

The European immigrants took land and enslaved Indians to help them farm it.
By 1637 there were about 2000 British settlers. They pushed out from the
coast and decided to remove the inhabitants.

The shining City on the Hill

Where did the Plymouth and Massachusetts colonies of Puritan and
“separatist” pilgrims come from and what were they really all about?

Governor Winthrop, a founder of the Massachusetts colony, said, “We shall be
as a City upon a Hill, the eyes of all people are upon us.” The Mayflower
Puritans had been driven out of England as subversives. The Puritans saw
this religious colony as a model of a social and political order that they
believed all of Europe should adopt.

The Puritan movement was part of a sweeping revolt within English society
against the ruling feudal order of wealthy lords. Only a few decades after
the establishment of Plymouth, the Puritan Revolution came to power in
England. They killed the king, won a civil war, set up a short-lived
republic, and brutally conquered the neighbouring people of Ireland to
create a larger national market.

The famous Puritan intolerance was part of a determined attempt to challenge
the decadence and wastefulness of the rich aristocratic landlords of
England. The Puritans wanted to use the power of state punishment to uproot
old and still dominant ways of thinking and behaving.

The new ideas of the Puritans served the needs of merchant capitalist
accumulation. The extreme discipline, thrift and modesty the Puritans
demanded of each other corresponded to a new and emerging form of ownership
and production. Their so-called “Protestant Ethic” was an early form of the
capitalist ethic. From the beginning, the Puritan colonies intended to grow
through capitalist trade-trading fish and fur with England while they traded
pots, knives, axes, alcohol and other English goods with the Indians.

The New England were ruled by a government in which only the male heads of
families had a voice. Women, Indians, slaves, servants, youth were neither
heard nor represented. In the Puritan schoolbooks, the old law “honour thy
father and thy mother” was interpreted to mean honoring “All our Superiors,
whether in Family, School, Church, and Commonwealth.” And, the real truth
was that the colonies were fundamentally controlled by the most powerful
merchants.

The Puritan fathers believed they were the Chosen People of an infinite god
and that this justified anything they did. They were Calvinists who believed
that the vast majority of humanity was predestined to damnation. This meant
that while they were firm in fighting for their own capitalist right to
accumulate and prosper, they were quick to oppress the masses of people in
Ireland, Scotland and North America, once they seized the power to set up
their new bourgeois order. Those who rejected the narrow religious rules of
the colonies were often simply expelled “out into the wilderness.”

The Massachusetts colony (north of Plymouth) was founded when Puritan
stockholders had gotten control of an English trading company. The king had
given this company the right to govern its own internal affairs, and in 1629
the stockholders simply voted to transfer the company to North American
shores-making this colony literally a self-governing company of
stockholders!

In US schools, students are taught that the Mayflower compact of Plymouth
contained the seeds of “modern democracy” and “rule of law.” But by looking
at the actual history of the Puritans, we can see that this so-called
“modern democracy” was (and still is) a capitalist democracy based on all
kinds of oppression and serving the class interests of the ruling
capitalists.

In short, the Puritan movement developed as an early revolutionary challenge
to the old feudal order in England. They were the soul of primitive
capitalist accumulation. And transferred to the shores of North America,
they immediately revealed how heartless and oppressive that capitalist soul
is.

The birth of the `American way of war’

In the Connecticut Valley, the powerful Pequot tribe had not entered an
alliance with the British (as had the Narragansett, the Wampanoag, and the
Massachusetts peoples). At first they were far from the centers of
colonization. Then, in 1633, the British stole the land where the city of
Hartford now sits-land which the Pequot had recently conquered from another
tribe. That same year two British slave raiders were killed. The colonists
demanded that the Indians who killed the slavers be turned over. The Pequot
refused.

The Puritan preachers said, from Romans 13:2, “Whosoever therefore resisteth
the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resist shall
receive to themselves damnation.” The colonial governments gathered an armed
force of 240 under the command of John Mason. They were joined by a thousand
Narragansett warriors. The historian Francis Jennings writes: “Mason
proposed to avoid attacking Pequot warriors which would have overtaxed his
unseasoned, unreliable troops. Battle, as such, was not his purpose. Battle
is only one of the ways to destroy an enemy’s will to fight. Massacre can
accomplish the same end with less risk, and Mason had determined that
massacre would be his objective.”

The colonist army surrounded a fortified Pequot village on the Mystic River.
At sunrise, as the inhabitants slept, the Puritan soldiers set the village
on fire.

William Bradford, Governor of Plymouth, wrote: “Those that escaped the fire
were slain with the sword; some hewed to pieces, others run through with
their rapiers, so that they were quickly dispatched and very few escaped. It
was conceived they thus destroyed about 400 at this time. It was a fearful
sight to see them thus frying in the fire…horrible was the stink and scent
thereof, but the victory seemed a sweet sacrifice, and they gave the prayers
thereof to God, who had wrought so wonderfully for them.”

Mason himself wrote: “It may be demanded…Should not Christians have more
mercy and compassion? But…sometimes the Scripture declareth women and
children must perish with their parents…. We had sufficient light from the
word of God for our proceedings.”

Three hundred and fifty years later the Puritan phrase “a shining city on
the hill” became a favorite quote of conservative speechwriters.

Discovering the profits of slavery

This so-called “Pequot war” was a one-sided murder and slaving expedition.
Over 180 captives were taken. After consulting the bible again, in Leviticus
24:44, the colonial authorities found justification to kill most of the
Pequot men and enslave the captured women and their children. Only 500
Pequot remained alive and free. In 1975 the official number of Pequot living
in Connecticut was 21.

Some of the war captives were given to the Narragansett and Massachusetts
allies of the British. Even before the arrival of Europeans, Native peoples
of North America had widely practiced taking war captives from other tribes
as hostages and slaves.

The remaining captives were sold to British plantation colonies in the West
Indies to be worked to death in a new form of slavery that served the
emerging capitalist world market. And with that, the merchants of Boston
made a historic discovery: the profits they made from the sale of human
beings virtually paid for the cost of seizing them.

One account says that enslaving Indians quickly became a “mania with
speculators.” These early merchant capitalists of Massachusetts started to
make genocide pay for itself. The slave trade, first in captured Indians and
soon in kidnapped Africans, quickly became a backbone of New England
merchant capitalism.

Thanksgiving in the Manhattan Colony

In 1641 the Dutch governor Kieft of Manhattan offered the first “scalp
bounty”-his government paid money for the scalp of each Indian brought to
them. A couple years later, Kieft ordered the massacre of the Wappingers, a
friendly tribe. Eighty were killed and their severed heads were kicked like
soccer balls down the streets of Manhattan. One captive was castrated,
skinned alive and forced to eat his own flesh while the Dutch governor
watched and laughed. Then Kieft hired the notorious Underhill who had
commanded in the Pequot war to carry out a similar massacre near Stamford,
Connecticut. The village was set fire, and 500 Indian residents were put to
the sword.

A day of thanksgiving was proclaimed in the churches of Manhattan. As we
will see, the European colonists declared Thanksgiving Days to celebrate
mass murder more often than they did for harvest and friendship.

The Conquest of New England

By the 1670s there were about 30,000 to 40,000 white inhabitants in the
United New England Colonies-6000 to 8000 able to bear arms. With the Pequot
destroyed, the Massachusetts and Plymouth colonists turned on the Wampanoag,
the tribe that had saved them in 1620 and probably joined them for the
original Thanksgiving Day.

In 1675 a Christian Wampanoag was killed while spying for the Puritans. The
Plymouth authorities arrested and executed three Wampanoag without
consulting the tribal chief, King Philip.

As Mao Tsetung says: “Where there is oppression there is resistance.” The
Wampanoag went to war.

The Indians applied some military lessons they had learned: they waged a
guerrilla war which overran isolated European settlements and were often
able to inflict casualties on the Puritan soldiers. The colonists again
attacked and massacred the main Indian populations.

When this war ended, 600 European men, one-eleventh of the adult men of the
New England Colonies, had been killed in battle. Hundreds of homes and 13
settlements had been wiped out. But the colonists won.

In their victory, the settlers launched an all-out genocide against the
remaining Native people. The Massachusetts government offered 20 shillings
bounty for every Indian scalp, and 40 shillings for every prisoner who could
be sold into slavery. Soldiers were allowed to enslave any Indian woman or
child under 14 they could capture. The “Praying Indians” who had converted
to Christianity and fought on the side of the European troops were accused
of shooting into the treetops during battles with “hostiles.” They were
enslaved or killed. Other “peaceful” Indians of Dartmouth and Dover were
invited to negotiate or seek refuge at trading posts-and were sold onto
slave ships.

It is not known how many Indians were sold into slavery, but in this
campaign, 500 enslaved Indians were shipped from Plymouth alone. Of the
12,000 Indians in the surrounding tribes, probably about half died from
battle, massacre and starvation.

After King Philip’s War, there were almost no Indians left free in the
northern British colonies. A colonist wrote from Manhattan’s New York
colony: “There is now but few Indians upon the island and those few no ways
hurtful. It is to be admired how strangely they have decreased by the hand
of God, since the English first settled in these parts.”

In Massachusetts, the colonists declared a “day of public thanksgiving” in
1676, saying, “there now scarce remains a name or family of them [the
Indians] but are either slain, captivated or fled.”

Fifty-five years after the original Thanksgiving Day, the Puritans had
destroyed the generous Wampanoag and all other neighboring tribes. The
Wampanoag chief King Philip was beheaded. His head was stuck on a pole in
Plymouth, where the skull still hung on display 24 years later.

The descendants of these Native peoples are found wherever the Puritan
merchant capitalists found markets for slaves: the West Indies, the Azures,
Algiers, Spain and England. The grandson of Massasoit, the Pilgrim’s
original protector, was sold into slavery in Bermuda.

Runaways and rebels

But even the destruction of Indian tribal life and the enslavement of
survivors brought no peace. Indians continued to resist in every available
way. Their oppressors lived in terror of a revolt. And they searched for
ways to end the resistance. The historian MacLeod writes: “The first
`reservations’ were designed for the `wild’ Irish of Ulster in 1609. And the
first Indian reservation agent in America, Gookin of Massachusetts, like
many other American immigrants had seen service in Ireland under Cromwell.”

The enslaved Indians refused to work and ran away. The Massachusetts
government tried to control runaways by marking enslaved Indians: brands
were burnt into their skin, and symbols were tattooed into their foreheads
and cheeks.

A Massachusetts law of 1695 gave colonists permission to kill Indians at
will, declaring it was “lawful for any person, whether English or Indian,
that shall find any Indians traveling or skulking in any of the towns or
roads (within specified limits), to command them under their guard and
examination, or to kill them as they may or can.”

The northern colonists enacted more and more laws for controlling the
people. A law in Albany forbade any African or Indian slave from driving a
cart within the city. Curfews were set up; Africans and Indians were
forbidden to have evening get-togethers. On Block Island, Indians were given
10 lashes for being out after nine o’clock. In 1692 Massachusetts made it a
serious crime for any white person to marry an African, an Indian or a
mulatto. In 1706 they tried to stop the importation of Indian slaves from
other colonies, fearing a slave revolt.

Celebrate?

Looking at this history raises a question: Why should anyone celebrate the
survival of the earliest Puritans with a Thanksgiving Day? Certainly the
Native peoples of those times had no reason to celebrate.

The ruling powers of the United States organised people to celebrate
Thanksgiving Day because it is in their interest. That’s why they created
it. The first national celebration of Thanksgiving was called for by George
Washington. And the celebration was made a regular legal holiday later by
Abraham Lincoln during the civil war (right as he sent troops to suppress
the Sioux of Minnesota).

Washington and Lincoln were two presidents deeply involved in trying to
forge a unified bourgeois nation-state out of the European settlers in the
United States. And the Thanksgiving story was a useful myth in their efforts
at U.S. nation-building. It celebrates the “bounty of the American way of
life,” while covering up the brutal nature of this society.

[Mike Ely is a participant in the Kasama Project <http://kasamaproject.org>
, where several of his other historical writings are available.]

Turkey Input Paper 3

Input Paper #3 for Turkey

By Kevin Duong 

 

The Gender/Sexuality Narrative in Turkey

 

In my previous input paper, I had attempted to map out the terrain with which an analysis of cultural narratives and the way that the politics of writing and rewriting narratives sustained and precluded the Kurdish population in Turkey in asserting stories about their lives.  In trying to describe how the possibility of full membership to the EU has affected Turkish cultural and national narratives, I want to use the Kurdish question as one case study of how Turkey’s politics have re-oriented themselves since EU membership became an objective on the nation’s political agenda. 

In this input paper, I want to focus on another dimension of Turkish politics that has been dramatically transformed by the Turkey-EU relationship—that of sexuality, and the way that Turkey’s transforming national politics have also attempted to re-write and displace the voices of Turkey’s queer communities in the name of national “progress.”  I think these two dimensions, while related and connected through issues of gender, class, and national identity, have distinct histories that are rapidly changing direction in order to meet the EU’s criteria for admission.

The EU has held influence over Turkey’s politics, by dangling the reward of full EU membership, for several decades now.  Following World War II, Turkey joined a number of European organizations, such as the OEEC, Council of Europe, and NATO in 1948, 1949, and 1952 respectively.[1]  Turkey’s admission to these organizations built up momentum and expectation for eventual EU membership, eventually culminating with the adoption of the Ankara Treaty in 1963.  The Ankara Treaty officiated Turkey as an associate member of the EU, and included language making explicit that Turkey desired full membership in due time.  In order to facilitate the ascension process, several agencies were created in order to monitor the progress.  One of these agencies, the Turkish-EC Association Council, plays a significant role in the monitoring of Turkey’s comportment to EU admission standards.[2]  Through this new monitoring relationship between the EU and Turkey, the EU has offered scathing critiques of Turkey’s history of human rights violations.  Recently, these critiques have more emphatically addressed the issue of LGBT rights in the country.

In 2002-2004, active LGBT and women’s rights organizations in Turkey lobbied hard for major reforms in the Turkish Penal Code to transform the language from treating the law “as the protector of nation’s morality” to “the law as the protector people’s sexual and bodily integrity.”[3]  In 2005, following these successes, the Justice Commission of Turkey’s Parliament “voted to include new language in the provision barring discrimination in a wide range of areas of public life…” where sexual orientation was included as a protected status in the new Criminal Code.[4]  Supported by the same LGBT activist groups from the previous few years, including a group called Lambda Istanbul, local organizations worked to include this language in the new law.  However, this specific language was eventually diluted to a general discrimination policy, and with the failure to include explicit language on sexual orientation, LGBT human rights suffered a great setback.  These setbacks culminated in a court order demanding that Lambda Istanbul disband in early June 2008, one month after the publication of the Human Rights Watch report on Gender and Sexuality in Turkey.[5]

The progress of LGBT rights in Turkey is complex and scattered.  The various LGBT movements are gaining ground at the same time that they are losing legal battles.  I want to argue that this inconsistent progress for LGBT communities in Turkey is tied to the Kurdish question in Turkish politics because they are both being mediated through a politics of narrative writing.  Although Turkey presents itself as a secularist nation, the conflation of religion and nationalism in Turkey problematizes this appearance.  The conflation of Muslim sensibilities with a Turkish national narrative allows for the secularization of religion sentiments through a discursive trick.  By allowing religious beliefs to be integrated into a sense of Turkish nationalism, fundamental Muslim beliefs are disguised as beliefs serving the national interest, which are secular in language and appearance but religious in origin.  The ambiguous language of Turkish laws protecting “morality” or “decency” and promoting “public morals” allows discrimination and violence against LGBT citizens under the discursive disguise of a public morality narrative offered by a “secular” nationalist discourse.[6]  Abuses against subaltern sexualities in Turkey are endemic and common.  Citizens highlight the difference in the LGBT narrative, and thus their social treatment, before and after the modernization of Turkey:

Under Ottoman Islam, homosexual behavior was a sickness—bottoms were sick, they had to be taken care of.  But you did not beat or abuse them.  Gay-bashing, the hatred of a thing called ‘gayness,’ is imported from the West.[7]

This resident feels the LGBT narratives of Turkish people have transformed violently because of increased “Westernization” arising from increased influence of the EU in Turkish social norms and politics. 

As a result of this subjugation of LGBT concerns in Turkey from a national discourses that is, in reality, rife with religious underpinnings, their narratives are fragmented and constructed across international spaces and avenues.  This globalization of the LGBT narratives in Turkey is not unknown by the local communities.  A transgender woman says, “First we have to take back the categories…to own them, and then we can start redefining them.  And then find the ones we can live in.”[8]  She is acutely aware that the writing of her own narrative has been taken out of her hands, and displaced into spaces beyond her influence.  She echoes Desai’s argument that international spaces are now the privileged spaces of activism.  The simple reality that much of the research on the status of LGBT communities in Turkey largely comes from organizations outside of Turkey’s boundaries (although this is slowly shifting), only emphasizes how globalized the incredibly local narrative of LGBT experiences in Turkey has become.  The major agents of writing the Turkish LGBT narrative is the state of Turkey itself, predominantly opposed to sexual rights, and this writing happens in international spaces such as the Turkey-EU Association and their negotiations.

What we see when we scrutinize the LGBT movement in Turkey is the increasing role of international NGO’s and other agencies in revealing the subjugated narratives of LGBT citizens from international spaces.  These organizations attempt to contest Turkey’s narrative of nationalism, secularism, and EU candidacy, from non-state spaces. In contrast, organizations within the country itself, like Lambda Istanbul and KAOS-GL are crumbling under legal battles from the government, who invokes the same narrative NGO’s and international bodies are trying to contest.  At the center of this enormous machinery of narrative writing is the LGBT community in Turkey itself, unable to assert itself politically or socially.  They have lost authorship of their own political stories, much like the Kurdish population, and this is necessary—in the Turkish administrations’ eyes—for the sake of appearing “modern” enough for the EU.  Only now are they beginning to realize that their human rights shortcomings are making them unlikely candidates for full membership.[9]


[1] Muftuler-Bac, Meltem. “The Impact of the European Union on Turkish Politics.” East European Quarterly 34 (2000): 161.

[2] ibid 165

[3]Turkey.” Sexuality Policy Watch. 22 Nov. 2008 <http://www.sxpolitics.org/mambo452/index.php/?option=com_content&task=view&id=33&itemid=67>.

[4] We Need a Law for Liberation: Gender, Sexuality, and Human Rights in a Changing Turkey. Human Rights Watch. New York, NY: Human Rights Watch, 2008.

[5] “Turkey.” Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. 11 Mar. 2008. U.S. Department of State. 22 Nov. 2008 <http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2007/100589.htm>.

[6] Human Rights Watch Report 9

[7] ibid 15

[8] Human Rights Watch interview with Esmeray, Istanbul, Ocotber 1, 2003.

[9] Muftuler-Bac 175

______

Works Consulted:

Cornell, Svante.  The Kurdish Question in Turkish Politics.  Orbis 2001.

McClintock, Anne.  1995. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Conquest.  New York: Routledge.

Desai, Manisha. 2005. Transnationalism: the face of feminist politics post-Beijing.

Input Paper 2 Mali- Robin

Women Speaking French is the Key

 

In researching the country of Mali, I have developed a hypothesis that the intersections of economic situations and the traditions of culture in Mali are the key to why the literacy rate and simple communication of women in French is so low, and can also be the key to reversing the problem. I would like to further explore these dynamics through the availability of prior research using statistics and narratives of Malian women. I believe that this aspect of non-literate, non-communicative women in the French language is one of many forms of discrimination of women. The main language of governing in Mali is French, and the political structure is based in the French language (Mali-Statistics). If the women, for one reason or another, are unable to read, understand or communicate in the language of government policies, how are they expected to be able to have an impact on their political or economic situation?

Mali is an extremely poor country whose livelihood depends on the export of cotton (Ford 2). As seen from an economical standpoint, this is not the best position for the country to be in; cotton is a cash crop, and cash crop’s profits rest solely on supply and demand. When Mali is producing a large amount of cotton, the demand goes down- therefore, the profit goes down; and when a small amount is produced because of droughts for example, more money is made per share because demand has increased, but the country is producing significantly less cotton. It seems to be a downward spiral. Mali is agriculturally based with little industry contributing to their Gross Domestic Product; so Malian families generally spend much of their time working with the crops. According to a Malian woman interviewed by Frank Dall, the children, mainly girls, are needed to sell produce from roadside stands or look after the other children in the home while the parents work in the fields (Dall 2). 

As stated before in my first input paper, the education in Mali is essentially not free. The pupil’s family must provide a desk and chair, chalk and other supplies plus make monthly contributions to the school. When the family is working so hard just to maintain their food source, it is financially difficult to send a child to school. Most families cannot afford to pay for education and the ones that can, may only be able to afford to send one child to school (Dall 3).

The statistics given in my first input paper clearly show that boys are being educated at nearly double the percentage of girls that are receiving an education. The literacy rate reflects the same. So we know that this choice that favors the schooling of males over females is being made, but why? According to some narratives of Malian women there are a few reasons. The male is expected to carry on the legacy of the family, the male is supposed to become the provider of the family, the girl could be provoked into promiscuity by a “westernized” school setting, or that men are generally intimidated by educated women, and the parents are afraid that their daughter will not be able to find a husband if she has an education (Dall 3.) 

When it comes down to this choice, culture plays a major role in the decision-making process of the family. Muslim religion by nature is very patriarchal; and with over 90% of Malians practicing Muslim, then the religion plays a major part in their culture (Schultz 14). The book of Islam is Qur’an and it does not in anyway suggest the discrimination of women should occur in society, but it does say that the man is the “leader” of the family (Badawi). I do not believe that it is the direct Islamic religion that provokes this treatment of women in their society; however, I do believe that placing the man in this position of power allows for centuries of interpretations through the perspectives of those males who hold the hierarchical power.

Some would argue that all of this inequality that I have just listed above will change soon with the implementation of democracy, adult literacy programs, and propositions of education reform. Cynthia Enloe reminds us that just because a law is passed, it does not equal immediate change; therefore, I would conclude that just because a democracy has been installed into Mali, it does not equal change. For example, a woman was allowed to run in this last election in Mali, but she only received 0.05% of the popular vote (Ford 64). This directly shows the law allowing a woman to run for president, but the country not embracing this change. As for adult literacy programs, even though they are potentially a great idea, causing a trickling effect of a mother learning to read, then teaching her children and a social networking for the women coming together, they seem to be less effective than hoped for (Puchner440). Also, I don’t believe that they are unanimously teaching the French language, which would open up a window for the most amount of change in women’s ranking in society. Social constraints keep most women from participating completely in these programs whether it is due to husband’s wishes or chores that restrict her from participation (Barka 19). As for school reform, if the government can find a way to truly make education free, then some significant changes in enrollment will be seen, but until then it will remain the same.

I’m not suggesting that all women becoming fluent in French is the answer to end discrimination; however, it is a start in the right direction. I agree with Laurel Puchner when she says, “There is evidence that schooling for girls may have beneficial socio-economic outcomes in developing countries as well, and that these outcomes may derive more from the changes in general attitudes and practices influenced by schooling rather than from literacy skills themselves.”

This discrimination involving a language barrier is being pressed on women young and old. We see this in young boys being chosen over young girls in the family to receive a formal education, which includes learning French. We see it in older women staying so busy in the household that they are unable to achieve social interaction with other women outside the confinement of their home; not to mention the constraints placed on them by their culture such as denying women of status outside of the home (Schulz 22).

These factors tie together in a dynamic, circular relationship with one influencing the other keeping women oppressed. Women are so poor that they must work to survive causing them to be unable to receive an education that allows them to converse in the language of policy making and influence. Because of this poverty the family sometimes may only choose one child to go to school. The cultural aspect of Malians normally places the male child as the best candidate; he is then able to converse in the language of policy making. This cultural choice then in turn affects the young women’s chance at changing their opportunities to hold different positions in the hierarchical level of decision making in the family, let alone the country.

Change cannot be made unless this circle is broken. Amartya Sen reminds us that this situation is all the women know. They do not see any other opportunity of freedom for themselves. Similarly Catharine Mackinnon asks the question- how does one organize against something if it isn’t really realized to exist? I believe that women conversing in French would open up the opportunity for women to realize and fight for their freedom from oppression and enter into the world of policy making and government to have influence in the decision making of their well being and to better represent women as equals.

Works Cited

Badawi, Jamal A. “The Status of Women in Islam.” Islam For Today 8 (1971): 2.

Barka, L.B. “Women Literacy Program in Mali.” Journal of the African Association for Literacy and Adult Education 6 (1992): 15-27.

Dall, Frank. “A Problem of Gender Access and Primary Education: A Mali Case Study.” HID Research Review: Research Findings of The Harvard Institute for International Development 2 (1989): 6-7.

Ford, Neil. “Mali: Touré Wins Second Terms with Ease African Business 332 (2007) p.64-65  

“Mali-Statistics.” UNICEF. 4 Nov. 2008 <http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/mali_statistics.html>.

Puchner, Laurel. “Researching Women’s Literacy in Mali: A Case Study of Dialogue among Researchers, Practitioners, and Policy Makers.” Comparative Education Review 45 (2001): 242-56.

            —“Women and Literacy in Rural Mali: a Study of the Socio-economic Impact of Participating in Literacy Programs in Four Villages.” International Journal of Educational Development 23 (2003): 439-458.

Schulz, Dorothea E: “(Re)Turning to Proper Muslim Practice: Islamic Moral Renewal and Women’s Conflicting Assertions of Sunni Identity in Urban Mali” Africa Today 54:4 (2008) p.20-43

 

Smith, Alex D. “Innovations in Mali.” Review of African Political Economy 25 (1998): 285-87.

 

Works Consulted

Enloe, Cynthia H. 2004. The Curious Feminist: Searching for Women in a New Age of Empire. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

MacKinnon, Catharine A. 2006. Are Women Human?: And Other International Dialogues. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press.

McClintock, Anne. 1995. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Conquest. New York: Routledge.

Povey, Elaheh Rostami. 2001. “Feminist Contestations of Institutional Domains in Iran.” Feminist Review 69, winter: 44-72.

Sen, Amartya. 1999. “Human Rights and Economic Achievements.” In The East Asian Challenge for Human Rights, ed. Joanne R. Bauer and Daniel A. Bell. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 88-99.

 

 

 

 

So I’ve been thinking about something that Dr. Ackerly mentioned in her e-mail: “Note the course is called ‘global feminisms’”. (Let me say at the outset that I have a bit of a “thing” when it comes to nomenclature. I believe that the power to “name” something implicitly carries with it the power to “define” it; and I wholeheartedly believe that there is a great deal of power in that process. Just look at how our readings have problematized words like “woman”, “rights”, and “security” and I think you’ll see what I mean.)

Somewhere along the line, someone (I presume it was Dr. Ackerly, but I could be wrong about that) decided to call this course “Global Feminisms”, so let’s look at the name. We continue to problematize the uneasy relationship between “equality” and “difference” to try to understand how women’s issues can be constructively addressed within a framework that recognizes that not all women face the same challenges or prioritize them in the same way. Even the name of the course carries this two-fold emphasis: on the one hand, the term “global” suggests that there is a common bond or focus, while on the other, the plural “feminisms” suggests that there is no single, overarching movement or group that can be unilaterally identified as the target of our study.

We’ve become increasingly aware of this tension in a variety of contexts, and through a number of divisions and divergences within feminist theory. In large measure, we’ve tried to address it through intersectional analysis that contextualizes marginalization and discrimination in terms of their specificity. But this is done within a broader framework, one that recognizes that – even as we need to draw back from blanket generalizations about the ontological status of “women” as a homogeneous group – we still need to be aware that we live in a world where women, as a group, are treated as a stable category in that they experience marginalization and discrimination because they are women. We may be justifiably reticent to invoke this category univocally, but that in itself does not mean that gendered discrimination doesn’t exist. It does, in an almost bewildering variety of forms, and that’s what intersectional analysis shows us.

Intersectionality – like its theoretical predecessors – contains within it the potential for categorical homogenization. For example, while it distinguishes, say, between the discrimination experienced by white women and African American women in the United States, it can also distinguish between the discrimination experienced by poor African American women versus middle- or upper-class African American women. It can further help to distinguish between the discrimination experienced by poor African American women in the Southern United States versus those in the Northern United States, and within those communities, between women in urban areas versus those in rural areas, between married women and single mothers, between straight women and lesbians… Taken to its (not so logical) conclusion, intersectionality could demand that we focus on each woman’s experiences in isolation, because no two women – despite gender, racial, ethnic, economic, social, or any other commonalities – necessarily experience discrimination in exactly the same way.

But this kind of reductive approach runs completely counter to intersectionality’s intent. We don’t have to theorize that every woman’s experience is exactly the same as another’s in order to recognize patterns of discrimination and marginaliation. The equality versus difference paradigm need not devolve into hard and fast either/or positions around a false (and therefore meaningless) universalism or an (equally false) anarchic relativism in which each individual is trapped in the epistemological bubble of her own experience. We can make intelligible observations about certain kinds of experiences both in terms of what they share and what they don’t. To me, that’s the real value of intersectionality. And if we’re going to try to develop any kind of constructive political mobilization that doesn’t subordinate one particular kind of oppression to any other, if we’re going to try to effect political change that does more than pay lip service to both equality and accountability, then we need a way to engage in discourses that see both the pattern and its multiple manifestations. It’s looking at it from this perspective that “global” and “feminisms” (and therefore “global feminisms”) makes the most sense to me.

I’d be interested to hear whether anyone else thinks about intersectionality differently. I realize that I haven’t even really touched on activism per se in what I’ve said – anyone want to round out (or completely revamp) my take on this? :)

I decided on the spur of the moment to use that particular title for my post, in part because I think this week’s readings problematize the relationship(s) between theory and activism, and because they ask us to rethink how feminist activism has developed in light of critical discussions of the subject of feminist theorizing.

Returning to Petchesky’s chapter was helpful, I think, in orienting how contemporary feminists have attempted to articulate inclusive feminist positions that don’t resort to false assumptions about the universality of the category of “women.” For her, transnational feminism is not based on a naive notion of consensus or unanimity, but a common bond between various and disparate positions based on “a shared ethical core” (8). She identifies this binding element as the discourse of rights, constructed as “a discursive field of power relations that operate within the domain of racialized, gendered capital in its present form – relations that are constantly in a process of realignment and change” (22). The implication here is that this framework has a liberating potential. If we live, work, and fight from within the system, then doesn’t that mean that our very participation in these discursive processes (potentially) has the power to change them?

But this notion is complicated by the divisive nature of the rights discourse within feminism, as Joachim and Desai point out. As Desai summarizes it, “scholars and activists alike have criticised the human rights framework for not problematising the state, depoliticising women’s issues, focusing on individual rather than collective rights, and establishing a regulative rather than are [sic] distributive framework” (323). Moreover – and I think this comes across in Joachim’s analysis of frames, political opportunity structures and mobilizing structures as well – Desai notes that the rights discourse has “privileged the UN and other international institutions as sites of activism” (323). This, in turn, has reinscribed the structural inequalities of the UN itself, including its privileging of particular groups of women who are located in the West. So while Petchesky seems optimistic about the potential for change from within the system, Desai laments the inherent (and continued) stratification of the system and feminism’s co-optation of its structures of inequality.

So what’s the answer? I agree with Desai that “analysis … is not political action by itself”, especially if it recapitulates the very structural inequalities that were supposed to be the targets of reform in the first place. But Chan-Tiberghien does something interesting. She takes the whole gender difference versus gender equality debate in poststructural feminism and says, in a sense, they’re both right. And she shows how that’s the case by using gender intersectionality as her methodological paradigm. Because intersectionality recognizes diversity without obviating class issues within the transnational women’s movement, she argues, it “offers potentially new opportunities for feminist mobilization” by legitimizing “feminist interventions across a spectrum of global issues” (477). But – and this is a big “but” – even here, institutional articulations are hampered by state-centric policies and priorities that water down the recognition of difference by exerting “tightly controlled” restrictions on how “gender” as a catergory is understood and deployed. Rather than making it inclusive (as Chan-Tiberghien wants to do), “gender” currently runs the risk of being synonymous with “sex”, reinforcing a strict dualism that would ignore groups advocating the inclusion of sexuality rights in feminist debates (476).

My question, then, is this: does the reliance on international institutions such as the United Nations actually impede the promotion of equality? Can we change the system from within? Can we ultimately rely on it to help achieve political goals, or will those always be subordinated to state-centered policies? Do we need to change the state first? Where do we start activism so that it doesn’t run the risk of having to concede its interests to those in power?

Peace in Mali is overstated. There has been increased violence between political groups, in pursuit of a more perfect democracy. The people of Mali have encountered several problems as the government has tried to privatize some of the industries in Mali. The poor working women are, in most cases, deprived of their human rights.

We must understand some of Mali’s recent political history in order to see how some of these political tensions arose. Following decades of dictatorship, Mali has become a multi-party democracy. In January 1959, Sudan and Senegal formed the Mali Federation and became independent of the French on June 20, 1960. When the federation collapsed on August 20, 1960, Senegal seceded and Sudan declared itself the Republic of Mali on September 22 of that same year (Glassman, James K. 2008). President Modibo Keita and his party, the Union Soudanaise du Rassemblement Democratique Africain, declared a single party state based on socialism. On November 19, 1968, a bloodless military coup occurred and the Military Committee for National Liberation was set up with Lt. Moussa Traore temporarily as President.

A new constitution was approved in 1974 and a new political party, the Democratic Union of the Malian People, was set up in 1976. Single-party elections were held for the first time in June 1979 and General Moussa Traore received 99% of the vote (Glassman, James K. 2008). In the years following, the people pressed for multi-party democracy, but the Traore regime felt they weren’t ready for it. On March 26, 1961, a group of 17 military officers arrested President Traore and after a few days formed the Transitional Committee for the Salvation of the People. Between January and April of 1992, a new constitution was drafted and government officials were elected, including the president and National Assembly. Alpha Oumar Konare was inaugurated as President of Mali’s Third Republic on June 8, 1992 (Glassman, James K.) Toure returned as president when he was elected in 2002 and reelected to a second five year term in 2007.

Security in northern Mali is a major problem. The simultaneous pursuit of a democracy and peace agreements has led to more violence and broken pacts. Ethnic Tuareg rebel groups have fought arduously with the Malian government. They are demanding greater economic development and a share in the area’s natural resources. The rebellion carried over to Mali from the Tuareg rebellion in the bordering Niger. Mali also faces threats in the form of al-Qaida. Most recently, in May and August of 2007, more than 40 Malian government officials were captured by the Tuareg rebels and many civilians died. In September of this year, the last of the hostages were released; however, Tuareg demands have still been left unanswered (Global Insight, 2008).

Conflicts with privatization arose when the Malian government declared that its water distribution would be regulated by private companies (Global Insight, 2008). Less than 50 percent of the population has access to safe drinking water. The fact that they would now have to pay for their water enraged many. There was a protest against this new “democratic” venture, which the police responded to by opening fire into the group of “violent” protesters (Global Insight, 2008). Most of these protesters were poor, rural folk; most just trying to maintain a decent living and secure their human rights. Has the pursuit of a more perfect democracy inhibited certain rights like access to safe drinking water?

In my further research of the security and human rights issues in Mali, I hope to find more examples of the democratic agenda affecting the poor and marginalized people of Mali. I will prove that peace should be given priority over the promotion of a democratic agenda.


WORKS CITED

Country Report: Mali. The Economist Intelligence Unit, London, UK: 2008. <http://www.eiu.com/report_dl.asp?issue_id=1373908922&mode=pdf&rf=0>

Glassman, James K. Mali. Bureau of African Affairs: October 2008. <http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/2828.htm>

Mali: Police Open Fire on Anti-Water Privatization Demonstration in Mali. Global Insights: 2008. <http://myinsight.globalinsight.com/servlet/cats?documentID=2207134&serviceID=4078&pageContent=art>

Security Risks. Global Insights: 2008. <http://myinsight.globalinsight.com/servlet/cats?filterID=1193&serviceID=4078&typeID=34677&pageContent=report&pageType=ALL>

Tuareg Rebellion (2007-Present). Wikepedia, 2008. <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Tuareg_Rebellion>

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